Crime and Punishment in the 2024 Colorado Election | SLOAN | Opinion

A recent report from the Common Sense Institute lays out some pretty sobering facts about crime in Colorado. Among their findings:

• From 2011 to 2023, Colorado's crime rate increased by 26%, including crimes against persons (2%), crimes against society (16%) and motor vehicle thefts (225%);
• The number of police officers per 1,000 residents in the state remains below the national average;
• The proportion of Colorado law enforcement personnel who are police officers decreased from 69% in 2013 to 65% in 2023;
• From 2010 to 2022, the number of uniformed police officers employed by the Denver Police Department decreased by 15.1%, while the number of officers employed by the Colorado Springs Police Department increased by 5.7%; And
• At the same time, crime rates rose 32% in Denver and fell 15.9% in Colorado Springs.

Such numbers make extrapolation fairly easy. The authors of this study include Dr. Steven Byers, a professional economist, and DJ Summers, an experienced political analyst and former investigative journalist, together provide the report with the academic and analytical rigor it requires. Rounding things out is former Denver Police Chief Paul Pazen, who brings the experience and credibility that only comes from a career in society's darkest alleys. The report's conclusion: Efforts aimed at putting more well-trained police officers on the streets will most likely make those streets safer.

Last week, that space was given over to an argument in support of a ballot measure to enshrine educational choice in the Constitution. I argue the same for two measures related to public safety: 128 and especially 130.

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Under Proposition 128, people convicted of violent crimes must serve at least 85% of their sentence before they can be eligible for parole or be considered for early release on their own discretion, that is, for good behavior. Current law allows inmates to apply for parole after serving 75% of their sentence and allows for earlier release at their own discretion. The measure also requires anyone convicted of a violent crime three or more times to serve their entire sentence without the possibility of parole or early release.

Proposition 130 would require the state government to allocate $350 million from the general fund to create a “Peace Officer Training and Support Fund,” which would first pay a million-dollar benefit to the families of slain police officers and, second, providing grants to police departments and sheriff's offices for training and retention.

The provisions of Prop 128 impose some kind of truth-in-judgment requirement and are appealing on that fact alone. There is a beauty, or perhaps a sense of justice, in the simplicity of a concept that says a sentence of X years means the offender must serve X years. Incarceration is a complicated issue, and we should be open to conversations about alternative forms of punishment – ​​because punishment must remain a crucial part of the equation.

But there is little room for maneuver when it comes to the fact that certain people actually belong in prison for the crimes they commit. This also includes violent crimes that are covered by this measure. This is particularly true for people who have committed these crimes more than twice – and been caught and successfully prosecuted for them. If John Jones is in prison instead of free, he cannot commit violent crimes as regularly as he has proven he can.

An even simpler argument can be made for Prop 130. It is no coincidence that the outstanding documentation of the rise in crime in recent years has coincided directly with the decline in the number of police officers deployed to combat it. This measure does not address all elements of this decline – much of it has to do with the emergence of attitudes and policies pushed by elected officials whose sympathies, consciously or unconsciously, lie more with lawbreakers than with law enforcement. But it addresses a critical deficiency by providing adequate funding, not to mention providing a small sum to the families of slain officers as a token of the enormous gratitude we owe them as a society.

Of course, there are opponents of the measure, many of whom offer outlandish theoretical arguments about alternative approaches to justice. However, it is the person who is robbed or assaulted and who learns through the process that there is little or no hope of effective prosecution that the perpetrator is likely to be released on his or her own recognizance and ultimately receive a suspended sentence. Probation or just a short time in prison – after which time the thief or attacker can rob and beat again – and finally comes to the despairing conclusion that the time and effort was hardly worth it; It is this person, more than abstract theoretical arguments, who should influence the discussion.

Kelly Sloan is a political and public affairs consultant and recovering journalist based in Denver.